This episode delves into the complex relationships among Italian states during the late 15th century. We'll spotlight the four major regional states outside of Florence. Venice shifted from a maritime empire to a focus on mainland expansion. Their long conflict with Milan led to the formation of the Italic League, an intriguing defense against French influence. We'll focus on the politics and challenges within the Papal States. In Milan, we chart the rise of Ludovico Sforza and how his strategic alliances and diplomatic efforts catapulted him to power. We'll also shed light on the Kingdom of Naples and King Ferrante's unsteady relationship with the rest of Italy. The episode climaxes with heightened tensions between Milan and Naples, whose resolution will have far-reaching consequences for the Italian peninsula. So grab your espresso, and join us as we traverse the enthralling political affairs of late 15th-century Italy.
Map of Italy, 1494
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Intro Music: Hayden Symphony #39
Outro Music: Vivaldi Concerto for Mandolin and Strings in D
I Take History With My Coffee Podcast
Episode 37
Title: The Affairs of Italy
“The calamities of Italy began (and I say this so that I may make known what was her condition before, and the causes from which so many evils arose), to the greater sorrow and terror of all men, at a time when circumstances seemed universally most propitious and fortunate.”
Francesco Guicciardini, The History of Italy, 1540
Welcome back to the I Take History With My Coffee podcast where we explore history in the time it takes to drink a cup of coffee.
In this episode, we will take a tour through the Italian peninsula and highlight the political situation outside of Florence in the closing decades of the 15th century.
The Italian state system during this period was characterized by a complex web of relationships and alliances among various entities, ranging from major regional states like Naples, Milan, Florence, Venice, and the Papal States, to smaller republics and lordships. The interconnection between these states often involved alliances and agreements, bringing the smaller entities under the protection of larger ones.
These Italian states were frequently organized into leagues. Although these leagues were portrayed as defensive alliances, they were often driven by competing ambitions, promoting conflicts as much as containing them. The states were acutely aware of internal divisions, rivalries, and hostilities, overshadowing any sense of common interest as constituents of 'Italy.' Despite this internal strife, there was a clear distinction between Italian and non-Italian powers, emphasizing the foreign status of rulers like the king of Aragon, even when ruling over territories like Sicily for centuries.
Italian states tended to avoid involvement in conflicts beyond the Alps, demonstrating a limited scope of engagement in European affairs. While some rulers, like Francesco Sforza, sought alliances with foreign powers, others were less enthusiastic about participating in wars outside Italian borders. Interestingly, Italian states were open to inviting external powers, especially the French or Angevins, to intervene in their disputes. Diplomatic interventions by the French or Spanish monarchs were occasionally sought to negotiate peace settlements in Italy.
However, seeking military aid from foreign allies could lead to accusations of betraying Italy's interests. During the high Middle Ages, the intrusion of foreign armies and the territorial claims by rulers, particularly the Holy Roman Emperor, led to prolonged wars and significant shifts in political structures and interstate relations in Italy. In the 14th and early 15th centuries, the French Angevins played a prominent role in influencing politics across the Italian peninsula. However, in most of the 15th century, foreign interventions were generally peaceful aside from establishing the Spanish Aragonese dynasty in Naples and occasional Angevin attempts to oust them. An example was the French rule over Genoa from 1458 to 1461.
While some warned about the risks of inviting powerful foreign rulers into Italy, many, including those in positions of political power, believed there was no genuine danger because these foreign rulers were perceived as transient. There was a certain complacency among Italian politicians who thought they could manipulate external powers to serve their interests. Italians seemed slow to recognize the persistence and seriousness of intent behind the actions of the kings of France and Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor. The foreign rulers were not merely passing through but asserting their claims to territories and states they considered rightfully theirs. The Italians failed to fully grasp that once these rulers gained control, they intended to retain it. This lack of awareness and underestimation of the determination of foreign powers would have significant consequences for the political landscape of Italy for the next two centuries.
Our tour will focus on the four major regional states outside of Florence, and we will begin with Venice. I will not spend much time with Venice as we will revisit the Venetian Republic in more detail when I discuss the conflict over control of the Mediterranean with the Ottoman Turks.
By the late fifteenth century, Venice was called “La Serenissima,” the “Most Serene.” They had reached the zenith of their power and wealth. Earlier in the century, the Venetians underwent a significant shift in their political interests, transitioning from a focus on maritime empire to the conquest and rule of subject cities on the mainland, the “terrafirma.” This change was driven by various factors, including the need to protect trade routes, secure local access to resources, and establish a territorial buffer against land-based military threats. Venetian nobles sought lucrative positions as provincial governors or commanders through expansion.
Starting in 1339 with Treviso, their conquests expanded to include Vicenza, Verona, Padua, Friuli, and Udine by 1420, securing trade routes into Europe. The Venetians extended their territories westward, engaging in a 19-year war against Milan, which ended with the Peace of Lodi in 1454. The Peace of Lodi established a boundary between Venice and Milan, marking the end of the mainland wars.
An outcome of the Peace of Lodi, influenced by Constantinople's fall to the Turks, was the establishment of the Italic League or the Most Holy League. This agreement united the major Italian powers: Venice, Florence, Milan, Naples, and the Papal States. The formalization of the Italic League took place on 25 Februaryr 1455, with the papal blessing.
The initial duration of the League was to last for twenty-five years. Beyond preparing Italy to confront the Ottoman challenge, a primary aim was to safeguard the Peninsula from the influence of France. The League sought to achieve this goal by ensuring internal peace within the country and preventing the occurrence of wars among the Italians. Central to the terms of this agreement was the prohibition of separate alliances and treaties. Crucially, the aftermath of this diplomatic initiative saw the acknowledgment by the Italian states of Francesco Sforza as the rightful successor to the last of the Visconti rulers of Milan.
In the years following the Peace of Lodi, Venice shifted its focus to safeguarding its existing terraferma possessions. Amidst this backdrop, Venice engaged in a conflict against Duke Ercole d'Este of Ferrara in 1482. While the immediate causes were related to alleged infringements of Venetian rights in Ferrara and boundary disputes, the justifications for the war extended beyond mere security concerns. Venice allied with Pope Sixtus IV, joining forces to conquer Ferrara. This coalition opposed Florence, Naples, Milan, and d'Este. Pope Sixtus IV switched sides after the defeat at the Battle of Campomorto, leaving Venice to face its adversaries alone. Isolated and determined to persist in the war, Venice broadened its diplomatic efforts, raising alarms across Italy by seeking the support of the French Dukes of Lorraine and Orleans to revive their families' dormant claims to Naples and Milan. The looming threat of foreign invasion prompted a peace settlement in the summer of 1484.
Our next stop is the Papal States. Again, I will not be going into too much detail as we will save the history of the papacy for when we tackle the Reformation.
The Papal States, situated in central Italy, constituted territories directly governed by the papacy in both spiritual and secular matters. Geographically, these territories encompassed present-day Lazio (Latium), Marche, Umbria, and Emilia-Romagna. The origins of the Papal States trace back to the 4th century when the bishops of Rome acquired lands around the city, known as the Patrimony of St. Peter. Throughout the Middle Ages, the popes maintained control over the Papal States despite political upheavals. The Avignon Papacy in the 14th century and the Great Schism presented challenges, but the popes ultimately concentrated on rebuilding their dominance over the Papal States. In the 15th century, notable successes were achieved, particularly under popes like Sixtus IV, who focused on temporal power.
Geographically, the Papal States faced administrative challenges due to the vast territories and mountainous terrain. External threats to papal territories, such as Giangaleazzo Visconti of Milan’s plan to create a kingdom in the Papal States, showcased the region’s vulnerability to powerful neighbors.
Internal challenges ranged from Rome's autonomous aspirations to the influence of powerful noble families in the hinterland. The struggles with the baronage, who held de facto authority over townships and castles, added another layer of complexity to the papal governance structure. Additionally, communes in the provinces retained intermittent independence under papal overlordship, contributing to the intricate political landscape.
Despite these complexities, the Lands of St. Peter were economically essential to the papacy. As papal authority weakened in Western Christendom, the temporal revenues from this region became crucial. Popes sought to manage resources, control territories, and defend their authority to ensure a stable economic base within their direct lordship.
The key player in Milan at this time was Ludovico Maria Sforza, known as Ludovico il Moro, was born on July 27, 1452, in Vigevano, Italy. He was the fourth son of Duke Francesco Sforza and Bianca Maria Visconti. Despite being the fourth son, Bianca ensured he received a broad education. Ludovico excelled in Greek, Latin, theology, painting, sculpture, and matters of state governance. His education also included physical activities like fencing, hunting, and horseback riding.
Ludovico's relationship with his father and mother was notable, as evidenced by extensive correspondence. He participated in public events from a young age, welcoming Pope Pius II to Mantua at seven. After his father's death, Ludovico was conferred the title of Count of Mortara and took on responsibilities to keep the duchy's lands united.
His political career faced challenges, including an exile to France due to accusations of plotting against his brother, Duke Galeazzo Maria. Ludovico returned to Milan after Galeazzo's assassination in 1476 at the hands of several high-ranking Milanese officials. His nephew, Gian Galeazzo Maria, only seven years old, became the new duke under his mother, Bona. Ludovico tried to oppose Bona’s regency. Supported by Ferrante of Aragon, he and his brother Sforza Maria declared a rebellion in 1479 but faced opposition from Bona’s supporters. Reconciliation efforts were pushed by nobles close to Duchess Bona, who, persuaded by her lover Antonio Tassino (likely in league with Ludovico), forgave her brother-in-law Ludovico and allowed him to enter the castle of Milan on September 7, 1479.
With the city and his position secured, Ludovico initiated diplomatic efforts, sending envoys to establish alliances with Lorenzo de' Medici, King Ferrante, and Pope Sixtus IV, preventing a potential Swiss and Republic of Venice alliance against him. Under the pretext of protecting his nephew against Tassino's ambitions, he secretly brought him into the castle in Milan. Bona, under pressure, signed the sentence of exile for Tassino and his family. Her reaction to her lover’s departure was a fit of hysteria, leading her to renounce the protection of her children and the state.
Ludovico initially planned to marry his sister-in-law in pursuit of becoming the Duke of Milan. However, Bona, still in love with Tassino, sought an alternative marriage for him. In 1480, she attempted to arrange a marriage between Ludovico and Ercole d'Este's eldest daughter, Isabella. Unbeknownst to Bona, Isabella had already been promised to Francesco Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua. Ludovico was instead betrothed to Isabella's younger sister, Beatrice, who was five years old at the time.
Despite the circumstances, Ludovico supported the marriage as it promised convenience and a potential alliance. Beatrice, raised by her grandfather King Ferrante at the Aragonese court of Naples, was fondly regarded. Ludovico saw the engagement as an opportunity for partnerships with the King of Naples and the Duke of Ferrara. King Ferrante accepted the engagement, and Ludovico and Beatrice were betrothed. Beatrice initially remained in Ferrara until 1485, when Ludovico persuaded her family to allow her to return to Milan for a more suitable education in the court.
In 1482, when war broke out between the Republic of Venice and the Duchy of Ferrara, Ludovico supported his future father-in-law, Ercole d'Este. Ludovico Sforza acted as Milan’s regent and de facto ruler from 1480 to 1499. During this period, he effectively governed the city on behalf of his nephew Gian Galeazzo Sforza, the nominal duke.
This brings us to the southern Kingdom of Naples. The French-derived Angevin dynasty had ruled it since the 13th century. Giovanna II of the Anjou-Durazzo line succeeded her brother Ladislao in 1414. Despite being married twice, she had no direct heir. In 1421, she designated Alfonso of Aragon as her successor, and later, in 1424, Louis III of Anjou-Provence assumed that position. Louis's claims eventually passed to René, known as 'le bon roi René' in France, in 1434. However, upon Giovanna's death in 1435, Alfonso held a more advantageous position to assert his claims. At that time, he already possessed the Aragonese dominions of Sicily and Sardinia, leveraging Barcelona's significant commercial and naval strength. Despite Alfonso's initial advantage, the war of succession was protracted. Only in 1442 did Alfonso finally triumphantly enter Naples, though he did not compel René to relinquish his claims to the Neapolitan throne.
The subsequent year, Alfonso secured a bull of investiture from his overlord, Eugene IV, legitimizing his conquests and consolidating his rule over Naples. His strategic geographical position enabled him to exert influence across the entire Mediterranean, fostering Catalonian trade, resisting Genoese forces, and reviving policies in the Balkan peninsula. Noteworthy is his attempt to reclaim territories among the final remnants of the Angevin domain.
His successor was King Ferdinand I, known as Ferrante. He confronted and repelled a fresh Angevin invasion through an extended conflict, securing the pope’s backing. Ferrante emerged as a prominent figure in Italian state politics during the four decades between the Peace of Lodi and the eve of Charles VIII of France's expedition. His maritime endeavors included defending Rhodes against the Turks and liberating Otranto from their occupation, earning him acclaim as a guardian of Italy and Europe against infidels.
However, he struggled to secure the love and loyalty of his subjects, many of whom harbored a lingering affinity for the Angevins. Complicating matters, Ferrante found it challenging to maintain stable alliances with other Italian powers.
His reputation for devious and ruthless behavior heightened suspicions among his peers, causing them to become increasingly wary of his intentions. Despite the crucial support, both militarily and diplomatically, from Francesco Sforza, the Duke of Milan, in the early years of Ferrante's reign, their relations soured over time. Despite family ties through marriages, a bitter family dispute poisoned the later years of the Neapolitan and Milanese rulers' interactions, further complicating the political landscape of the Italian states.
Ferrante's increasing involvement in the affairs of the Papal States triggered resentment from the popes. He not only participated in the rivalry among Milan, Venice, and Florence for influence in the northern Papal States but also strategically granted military contracts to Roman barons. This move allowed him to exert direct military pressure on Rome and the papacy when necessary.
Venetians were uneasy about the expanding Neapolitan interests in the eastern Mediterranean, particularly Ferrante's competition with them for the kingdom of Cyprus. The Venetians sought to prevent a stronger Kingdom of Naples from challenging their dominance in the Adriatic, with aspirations to control specific Neapolitan ports on the Adriatic coast. Meanwhile, Florence, though initially ambivalent toward the Aragonese dynasty, experienced a shift in the 1480s. Despite historical alliances with the Angevin monarchs of Naples, Florence gradually aligned with Ferrante due to his ambitions in southern Tuscany.
The threat of the Angevins or their heirs became a recurring tactic employed by other Italian states against Ferrante. In the Neapolitan Barons' War of 1485-1486, Pope Innocent VIII invited the Duke of Lorraine to Naples to claim the crown, heightening tensions between the pope and Ferrante. In 1489, during heightened tension, Innocent formally declared Ferrante deposed and offered the kingdom's investiture to Charles VIII.
Ludovico Sforza, seeking protection against Ferrante's hostility, initiated closer ties with France in 1490. He secured investiture with Genoa and discussed a league with France, including terms like using Genoa as a naval base and military support. Simultaneously, in Rome, Pope Innocent VIII considered reconciliation with Ferrante. A peace treaty was signed in January 1492, giving Ferrante crucial papal recognition of his dynasty's claim to the throne. In reacting to the unexpected accord between the pope and Ferrante, Ludovico Sforza accelerated negotiations with France.
Further trouble came in the form of marriage. Gian Galeazzo, the young Duke of Milan, was married to Ferrante’s granddaughter, Isabella. They had set up court in Pavia, and the young duke was happy to let his uncle, Ludovico, take charge of everyday affairs. But his wife, Isabella, had ambitions of her own, which brought her into conflict with her cousin, Beatrice, now Ludovico’s wife. On January 25, 1493, Beatrice gave birth to a son, Ercole Massimiliano. She desired her son to be named Count of Pavia, a title reserved for the heir to the duchy of Milan, instead of Isabella’s son.
Isabella requested that her grandfather, Ferrante, intervene. The king had no desire to be involved for fear of war. He advised the granddaughters to settle the matters between them while he was still alive. When he died the following year, in January 1494, his son and successor, Alfonso II, supported his daughter Isabella. He occupied the city of Bari as an act of aggression toward Ludivico.
In response, Ludivico allied himself with Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I and the King of France, Charles VIII. He invited Charles to assert the Angevin claim to the Neapolitan throne. To everyone’s shock, Charles VIII accepted the invitation to invade Italy.
In the next episode, we will look at the French invasion of Italy, an event that would have far-reaching consequences on the history of the Italian peninsula.
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